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This proved successful in the short term, allowing her to gain a considerable amount of political capital. Wagenknecht, on the other hand, has constructed a worldview that, while appearing more radical given her past Communist credentials, has class collaboration against globally oriented capital at its heart. Ihr phantasiert, nur Frauke sagt wo es langgeht, sie ist sehr dominant.
The charismatic Gregory Gysi, another leading East German figure of Die Linke, spent almost two decades doing just that through books and talk-show appearances. Vielmehr distanzieren wir uns ausdrücklich von allen dort verfügbaren Inhalten.
Sahra Wagenknecht pics Germany model naked images breast gallery butt age info boobs dress video rear underware boyfriend diet interview baby bio bikini swimsuit pretty hot legs weight - However, party leaders such as Lothar Bisky and Gregor Gysi objected to the idea primarily because of her perceived sympathies for the former German Democratic Republic. Far from being the exclusive outcome of a spontaneous insurgency of some native underclass, or a reflexive response to downward mobility and the loss of a sense of community, the racism of the AfD and the Pegida movement would be inconceivable without the racism cultivated for years now by the same forces that today want to appropriate the antiracist cause.
He reads these as a necessary tactical posture for winning over working-class voters, who might otherwise be tempted to vote for the Alternative for Germany AfD. One can sense a diffuse admittance of guilt emanating from some segments of the Left in their effort to come to grips with the new situation. The Left, so the argument goes, has for too long focused on political correctness and identity politics, having abandoned its core base of support. More to the point, we never learn how this engagement with the refugee-related economic insecurities of the less well-off in Germany is supposed to look like in practice. Nevertheless, the issues raised by Schmitz are important and not only relevant to the German context. Similar statements have been made by her partner, the former Die Linke co-chair, Oskar Lafontaine, who has called for imposing limits on the flow of refugees. Lafontaine might be a principled opponent of neoliberalism and military intervention abroad, but his record on this issue is less flattering. It could simultaneously sexy sahra wagenknecht to the insecurities of pensioners as well as to a youthful left-libertarian milieu. It also remains trapped in the sphere of representation, excluding any prospect of self-activity from below. More importantly, it is based on misdiagnosis of the current conjuncture: what proved successful in 1990s and 2005, will not necessarily work amid structural capitalist crisis, the entry for the first time since 1945 of the far right in the national political arena, and a surge of racist attacks. These trends show that a massive reentry into politics on a progressive basis is feasible if there is a perception of possible change looming ahead among wide layers of the electorate fed up with the neoliberal consensus. However problematic the current approach of Wagenknecht and Lafontaine is, a certain sense of proportion is in order. In this, they display many similarities with Bernie Sanders, for whom both have repeatedly expressed their admiration. There are no posters of Die Linke demanding limits on refugees, and the issue is far from assuming the primacy it enjoys in the discourse of the AfD or the Bavarian conservatives of the Christian Social Union. Wagenknecht and Dietmar Bartsch, her Die Linke co-chair in the Bundestag, even presided over the publication of a ten-point action program for refugees in autumn 2015. To her credit, Wagenknecht has also consistently voted down legislation to further restrict the right to political asylum. Concerning Lafontaine, his opposition to open borders, something he also shares with Bernie Sanders, is not based on racism or any record of German chauvinism, but is rather the outgrowth of a social-democratic outlook in two senses. On the one hand, there is the old reformist argument of massive immigration as an instrument of wage suppression. This interpretation for the rise of Nazism was common among the social democrats of the Bonn republic, which was pathologically obsessed with maintaining economic and political stability through cross-class collaboration and a generous welfare state. Even if Wagenknecht and Lafontaine desired to steer Die Linke in the radically different direction of a law-and-order party, something which is highly unlikely, institutional factors constrain them. The sexy sahra wagenknecht of pandering to racism against her by some within sexy sahra wagenknecht party indicate a certain amount of hypocrisy. Finally, the accusation of racism from some elements of the of the German autonomist left, itself not immune from racism against Muslims and Arabs, borders on the absurd. The problems with her approach is not just its electoralist character. This of course conceals the fact that the refugees came to Germany before Merkel said or did anything. Even if the prospect of a surge in low-wage labor and the ensuing benefits for capital played a part in her decision in 2015, a more plausible explanation would be that faced with the autonomous movement of hundreds of thousands of determined people, Merkel took a risky political gamble. This proved successful in the short term, allowing her to gain a considerable amount of political capital. Schmitz forgets that these two parties have bid the ideal of a multicultural society farewell a long time ago. Far from being the exclusive outcome of a spontaneous insurgency of some native underclass, or a reflexive response to downward mobility and the loss of a sense of community, the racism of the AfD and the Pegida movement would be inconceivable without the racism cultivated for years now by the same forces that today want to appropriate the antiracist cause. Andthe AfD is perfectly capable of appropriating left-wing demands, such as defending the minimum wage, if this will ensure it of working-class support. Her political evolution in recent years lies at the heart of her current strategy. The charismatic Gregory Gysi, another leading East German figure of Die Linke, spent almost two decades doing just that through books and talk-show appearances. Her fierce opposition to an aggressive stance towards Russia resonates with sections of German capital opposed to sanctions and distrustful of American policies. Her appropriation of the issue of domestic security and her demand to deport refugees found guilty of criminal offenses, are not so much an effort to relate to working-class fears, sexy sahra wagenknecht a somewhat opportunistic pandering to the prejudices of the German middle classes, even if the stated goal here sexy sahra wagenknecht to undercut AfD support. As such, it can be challenged easily by demonstrating that a potential unified front of indigenous and newly arrived workers signals trouble for capitalists. Wagenknecht, on the other hand, has constructed a worldview that, while appearing more radical given her past Communist credentials, has class collaboration against globally oriented capital at its heart. Its declared utopia is not so much a socialist society, but something resembling the West Germany of Willy Brandt and Helmut Schmidt — a sovereign and regulated welfare capitalism, with a restrained foreign policy that reaches out to Russia. Racism and German Workers All of this begs the question of who the German working class is and how it really thinks. Of course, workers sexy sahra wagenknecht also be racist, sexist, and homophobic. But while racism might be widespread among the working class, its origins lie elsewhere. Nazi antisemitism, for example, did not stem from the workers but from lawyers, doctors, engineers, and academics, even if millions of workers became susceptible to the fascist poison. Is it the workers, who have seen their living standards plummet and real wages stagnate over the years. Germany today is a highly diverse society that includes many first- second- and third-generation immigrants. It should not attempt to dampen the legitimate anger felt by many, but to steer it at those responsible, not those less well-off. It is the key polarizing issue, pitting every democratically minded person against the racism, not just of the AfD, but that of the center as well, which has engendered the former. It is wrong to counterpose this pressing fight and its immediate tasks, such as organizing demonstrations, blockades, and building grassroots coalitions at the local level, with an abstract struggle how and with whom. But these will not fuse by themselves. The key for that is the activity of the subjective factor,where the antifascist movement has successfully crafted its own counter-narrative of local workers and refugees as victims of the same policies, or inwhere tens of thousands have recently demonstrated for allowing more refugees in. If the task of fighting neoliberalism by emphasizing the centrality of fighting racism and supporting refugees appears near-utopian in Germany today, it is not because German workers are more racist than others, but because German capitalism is infinitely more powerful than its Southern European counterparts. However, this is the only available path for the Left, and one which, if proven successful, could signal a groundbreaking change for all of Europe. They should not dilute their record by accepting those terms. End Mark Share this article About the Author Leandros Fischer is an adjunct lecturer at the Department of Social and Political Sciences of the University of Cyprus in Nicosia.
Sahra Wagenknecht über sich - Jung & Naiv - Folge 28b
Absolution erteilt, Frauke ist die schärfste Granate, die das politische Deutschland zu bieten hat. Wer eine Botschaft hat, muss sich um die Wahrheit nicht sorgen. But while racism might be widespread among the working class, its origins lie elsewhere. ©+ ® 2007-2019 ppq Wir haben auf unserer Homepage Links zu anderen Seiten im Internet gesetzt. Die kurzen Haare machen sie etwas dominant finde ich. Article by Sahra Wagenknecht, published in the German daily Neues Deutschland on November 5, 2012. However, this is the only available path for the Left, and one which, if proven successful, could signal a groundbreaking change for all of Europe. She is a Member of the Bundestag, author, and a member of the National Committee of the Left Party. Wie kann man soviel Hass gegen andere Menschen haben? Und es schert die selbsternannte Wiedergeburt von Rosa Luxemburg auch wenig, dass die Noten einer staatlichen Ratingagentur keinem Anleger das Papier wert wären, auf dem sie ausgereicht würden.
